JAMES CONNOLLY

MEMBERS OF THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC

 

IRISH NAME – SEAMUS O CONGHAILE
Born on 5th of June 1868 – Died on 12th May 1916
Was a Scottish Born Irish Republican, Socialist, and Trade Union Leader, Executed for his part in the 1916 Easter Rising Against Bristish Rule in Ireland. He remains an important figure both for the Irish Labour Movement and for Irish Republicanism.

Born in Cowgate, Edinburgh, Scotland and died ages 47 years of age in Kilmainham Gaol, Dublin, Ireland Being executed by firing squat.

ORGANIZATION:

Industrial Workers of the World 1905-1910

Irish Transport and General Workers Union  1910-1916

POLITICAL PARTY:

Scottish Socialist Federation/SDF 1892-1904

Irish Socialist Republican Party 1896-1904

Socialist Labour Party of America  1903-1908

Irish Socialist Federation 1904-1910

Socialist Party of Ireland 1910-1914

Irish Labour Party 1912-1916

 

Spouse- Lillie Connolly (m. 1890)

Children 7

Buried in Arbour Hill Prison Cemetery Dublin

MILITARY SERVICE:

Service/ Branch: Bristish Army, Irish Citizen Army, Irish Republic

Years of Service:

British Army 1882 to 1889

Irish Citizen Army 1913 to 1916

Rank – Commandant General

Unit:   Kings’s Regiment ( Liverpool) and 2nd Battalion of the Royal Scots Regiment

Battles / Wars: Easter Rising

He became an active socialist in Scotland, where he had been born in 1868 From Irish Parents.

On moving to Ireland in 1896, he established the country’s first Socialist Party the Irish Socialist Republican Party. It called for an Ireland Independent not only from Britain’s Crown and Parliament, but also of British ”capitalists, landlords and financiers.

From 1905 to 1910 he was a full-time organiser in the United States for the Industrial Workers of the World, choosing its syndicalism over

the doctrinaire Marxism of Daniel DeLeon’s Socialist Labor Party of America, to which he had been initially drawn. Returning to Ireland, he deputised for James Larkin in organising for the Irish Transport and General Workers Union, first in Belfast and then in Dublin.

In Belfast, he was frustrated in his efforts to draw Protestant workers into an all-Ireland labour and socialist movement but, in the wake of the industrial unrest of 1913, acquired in Dublin what he saw as a new means of striking toward the goal of a Workers’ Republic. At the beginning of 1916, he committed the union’s militia, the Irish Citizen Army (ICA), to the plans of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and the Irish Volunteers, for war-time insurrection.

Alongside Patrick Pearse, Connolly commanded the insurrection in Easter of that year from rebel garrison holding Dublin’s General Post Office. He was wounded in the fighting and, following the rebel surrender at the end of Easter week, was executed along with the six other signatories to the Proclamation of the Irish Republic.

THE DARKEST WEEK IN THE HISTORY OF DUBLIN

PART I

AN ORGIE OF FIRE AND SLAUGHTER

The story of the Sinn Fein rebellion in Dublin begins a long way behind Eater Monday, 24th April 1916, but for the purpose of giving a comprehensive narrative of the Rising it will suffice to begin with the preparations on St. Patrick Day, Friday the 17th of March. On that day the Dublin Battalions of the Irish Volunteers held a field day in the city. The different sections paraded in the morning at various city churches and later in the whole force assembled in College Green, where they gave a display of military manoeuvres, concluding with a march past Mr. John McNeill, The President (whose name was printed Eoin McNeill in the most documents issued by the Volunteers), and the members of the Executive, who had previously inspected the men in the ranks. These operations lasted from 11 o’clock till one o’clock, and for two hours the tram and other vehicular traffic was peremptorily suspended, by the volunteers, most of whom carried rifles, and bayonets, and whose numbers in those occasion were estimated at 2000. While the inspection was in progress the pipe bands on the 2nd and 3rd Battalions discoursed music, and among the large crowd of spectators’ leaflets were distributed containing ”Twenty plain facts for Irishmen”.

The Following are extracts:

”It is the natural right of the people of every nation to have the free control of their own nation affairs, and any body of the people is entitled to assert that right in the name of the people.”

”The Irish People have not the free control of their own national affairs.”

”Some of the Irish people do desire that freedom, and are entitled to assert the right of the nation.”

”The Irish Volunteers (under presidency of Eoin McNeill) are pledged to the cause of the freedom of Ireland.”

”In raising, training, arming, and equipping the Irish Volunteers as a military body, the men of Ireland are acquiring the power to obtain the freedom of the Irish Nation.”

”It is the duty of every Irishman who desires for his country her natural right of freedom and for himself the natural right of a freeman, to be an Irish Volunteer.

This demonstration in the Centre of Dublin on St Patrick’s Day was the first time the Irish Volunteers had taken aggressive action in daylight, but they had conducted night manoevures and practiced street fighting in open spaces generally between Saturday night and Sunday morning, and one night their operations consisted in manoeuvering around the entrance at Dublin Castle. The police on each occasion were eye-witnesses of the operations, but did not interfere with the movement of the Volunteers.

THE AFFRAY OF TULLAMORE

While the proceedings in Dublin on St. Patrick’s Day were still a matter of public comment, a new development occurred at Tullamore on Monday evening, 20th of March Ill-feeling which had been smoldering in the town for some time against the Sinn Fein Volunteers was manifested at a hurling match in aid of the Wolfe Tone Memorial on Sunday 19th March when a spectator attempted to remove a flag from one of the Sinn Feinners, who , it was alleged, retaliated by drawing a revolver. The feeling was accentuated the following morning. Monday 20th March, at Tullamore Railway Station, where a number of women were taking leave of their husbands, who are serving at the Leinster Regiment.

A body of Sinn Fein Volunteers who appeared on the platform were then the object of a hostile demonstration. These incidents culminated in a shooting affray in the Sinn Fein Hall in William Street the same evening.

A number of children carrying a Union Jack sang songs in front of the Hall; the crowd soon swelled, and amid boohing and cheering stone-throwing began, and the windows of the hall were smashed. The Volunteers inside retaliated by firing revolvers, and a large force of police proceeded to search the hall for arms. A general melee then took place revolvers were shot at the police, and several of them injured. Ultimately several men were arrested and charged next morning with having fired at and attacked with intent to murder County Inspector Crane, District Inspector Fitzgerald, Head Constable Stuard and Sergeant Ahern. Subsequently another batch of Volunteers were arrested, and remands were granted several times as Seargeant Ahern was unable to appear, he having been seriously injured and conveyed to Stevens Hospital, Dublin. The case of these prisoners is dealt with in the portion of article Court Martial.

THE MANSION HOUSE MEETING

On Thursday 30th of March, at the Mansion House Dublin a largely-attended meeting was held, under the presidency of Alderman Corrigan, for the purpose of protesting against a recent order for the deportation of certain organisers of the Irish Volunteers. The principal speakers were Mr. John ‘Neill, President of the Irish Volunteers and two Roman Catholic clergymen. The speeches were of a strong character, and during the proceedings a collection was made amongst the audience for the defense of organisers. The following resolution was adopted unanimously: –  ”This public meeting of Dublin citizens in the Mansion House, Dublin, asks all Irish people to join in opposing Government’s Attempt unanimously condemned by national opinion last year, and now renewed to send Irishmen into banishment from Ireland.”

After the meeting a number of persons who had attended it marched through the streets, and revolver shots were fired in Grafton Street and opposite the Provost’s house at Trinity College, one of the revolver shots pierced a pocket in the overcoat of Inspector D.M.P.

A young man who was arrested and charged with being a member of a disorderly crowd and breaking a lamp in a motor car. Was fined 5s and 5s. Costs and ordered to find 1£ bail. The alternative being seven days in prison. The Following night, March 31st A public meeting at Beresford Place, presided over by Alderman T. Kelly, endorsed the resolution passed at the Mansion House meeting the previous night. In view of subsequent events, it is worthy of note here that Mr. Sheehy Skeffington was one of the speakers at the Beresford place meeting.

WOUNDED IRISH FUSILIER SPAT UPON.
An Irish Fusilier, had been wounded at Suvla Bay, wrote the Irish Times on 31st of March, that whole driving in a cab along Grafton Street the previous night some of the men from the Mansion House meeting hurled filthy epithets at him, and one man spat at him through the window.
Other soldiers he added, were jostled and insulted by the crowd.

SEIZURE OF ARMS
On Sunday, 9th of April, the D.M.P. seized a motor car in College Green, and found it contained a quantity of shot guns, revolvers, bayonets, and ammunition, which was being conveyed to Wexford. Two men in the car who were identified as Sinn Fein Volunteers from Ferns, were afterwards sentenced to Three Months imprisonment.
The same day a parade of the Sinn Fein Volunteers from Ferns, were afterwards sentenced to Three months imprisonment.
The same day a parade of Sinn Fein Volunteers took place though the streets of Dublin any way of protest against the deportation to England of two organisers Ernest Blyde and William Mellowes.
About 1300 took part in the proceedings.
When the procession was passing though St. Stephen Green a tram driver attempted to take his vehicle through between two companies and sounded his gong by way of warning. A cyclist in Volunteer uniform places his machine in front of the tram, placed his hand upon his revolver, and dared the driver to proceed. The tram man at once stopped until the whole procession had passed.

MR. JUSTICE KENNY’S REMARKS.
On the following Tuesday, April 11th Mr. Justice Kenny, in opening the proceedings in Dublin, referred to a propaganda in the city of an openly seditious character which set all authority to defiance, and seemed to be started in order to counteract the recruiting movement. They had, he said, read of the police, in the execution of their duty, being met and repulsed by men armed with rifle and bayonet, and of street disturbance in which he regarded in which firearms appeared to be freely used. What he regarded as the most serious attempt to paralyse recruiting was the display of large posters such as ” England’s Last Ditch ” and ” The Pretence of the Realm Act ” which deterred influence on certain classes of the population. He called attention to it because of the continuance of that state of things must have a tendency to create incalculable mischief.
In the House of Commons, the same day, Mr. Augustine Birrell, Chief Secretary, replying to Major Newman said that it would be contrary to public interest to disclose the information in possession of the Irish Government concerning Irish Volunteers, or the course of action proposed to be followed in delaying with them. The activities of this organisation, however l, were receiving the closest attention.

A BOGUS SECRET ORDER.
A meeting of the Dublin Corporation on Wednesday, 19th April, afforded the best Sinn Fein sensation.
During a discussion of ye police rate Alderman T. Kelly read the following document, which he said, had been furnished by Mr. Little, editor of New Ireland: –
” The following precautionary measures have been sanctioned by the Irish Office on recommendation of the General Officer Commanding the Forces in Ireland. All Preparations will be made to put these measures in force immediately on receipt of an Order issued from the Chief Secretary’s Office, Dublin Castle, and signed by the Under Secretary and the General Officer Commanding the Forces in Ireland. First, the following persons to be placed under arrest: – All members of the Sinn Fein National Council, the Central Executive Irish Sinn Fein Volunteers, General Council Irish Sinn Fein Volunteers, County Board Irish Sinn Fein Volunteers, Executive Committee National Volunteers Coisde Gnota Committee Gaelic League.
List A 3 and 4 and suppliments list A 2 …
Metropolitan Police and Royal Irish Counterforces in Dublin City will be confined to barracks under the direction of the Competence Military Authority. An order will be issued to inhabitants of city to remain in their houses until such time as the Competent Military Authority may otherwise direct or permit. Pickets chosen from units of Territorial Forces will be placed at all points marked on map 3 and 4. Accompanying mounted patrols will continuously visit all points and report every hour. The following premises will be occupied by adequate forces, and all necessary measures used without need of reference to Headquarters. First, premises Known as Liberty Hall, Beresford place, No 6 Harcourt Street, Sinn Fein Buildings: No 2 Dawson Street, Headquarters Volunteers; No 12 D’Olier Street, “Nationality ” Office; No 25 Rutland Square, Gaelic League Office; No 41Rutland Square, Forester’s Hall, Sunn Fein Volunteer premises in city, all National Volunteer premises in the city, Trades Council Premises, Capel Street, Surrey House, Leinster Road, Rathmines
THE FOLLOWING PREMISES WILL BE ISOLATED, AND ALL COMMUNICATION TO AND FROM PREVENTED: – PREMISES KNOWN AS ARCHIBUDHOP’S HOUSE, DRUMONDRA, MANSION HOUSE, DAWSON STREET, No 40 Herbert Park, Larkfield, Kimmage Road, Woodtown Park Ballyboden, Saint Enda’s College , Hermitage, Rathfarnham, and in addition premises in list 5 D see maps 3-4″.(hoping to get the maps of the areas )
Alderman Kelly said he took the responsibility of reading the document in discharge of his public duty. If they wanted this class of thing, of course there was no help for it but those associated with him would do everything they could to see that discretion and moderation would remain.

 

” AN ABSOLUTE FABRICATION.”
The Military authorities in Dublin the same night they stated that the foregoing document read by Alderman Kelly at the Corporation meeting was ” An absolute fabrication from beginning to end and does not contain a word of truth”.

GERMAN ATTEMPT TO LAND ARMS.
On Saturday 22nd of April, it was reported from Tralee that a collapsible boat with ammunition and three mysterious strangers had came ashore in that district, and that the Sin. Fein Volunteers had been especially mobilised the previous evening. Two Arrests, which caused a considerable sensation in the town, we’re made the same night. News was also received from Tralee of a mysterious motor car which had taken a wrong turning and dashed over Ballykissane quay into the River Laune. The chauffeur escaped but three passengers in the car were drowned. The bodies of two of the passengers were recovered on Saturday Evening, 22nd if April and in then Was found revolvers and ammunition and Sinn Fein badges.
These events were associated in the public mind with yeh following announcement, which made by the Press Bureau, but not until Monday evening, 24th April at 10:25 pm: –

CAPTURE OF SIR ROGER CASEMENT.
The Secretary of the Admiralty announces – During the period between p.m. . April 20 and p.m. April 21 an attempt to land arms and ammunition in Ireland was made by a vessel under the guise of a neutral merchand ship, but in reality, a German Auxiliary, in conjunction with a German submarine. The Auxiliary sal and a number of prisoners were made amongst whom was Sir Roger Casement.

MANOEUVRES CANCELLED
It was known that the Sinn Fein Volunteers were to hold the Easter manoeuvres, which were to be taken part in by all the branches of the organisation in Ireland. These were unexpectedly cancelled in the following announcement signed by Mr. Eoin McNeill on Saturday night, 22nd April and published in the Sunday papers the following Morning: –
” Owing to the very critical position, all orders given to the Irish Volunteers for to-morrow Easter. Sunday are Hereby rescinded and no parades, marches, or other movements of Irish Volunteers will take place. Each individual Volunteer will obey this order strictly in every particular. With this announcement Mr. McNeill cease to take any public part in the proceedings of the Volunteers.

IRELAND IN 1918

 

A new political era dawns as the war clouds lift.

When the last days of 1918 came to a close, the people of Ireland had many reasons to take some time to reflect on a momentous year which had brought much in the way of the political upheaval as well as a heartbreak and suffering as a result of war and illness, writes Eamonn Duggan.

As 1918 came to an end the people of Ireland were able to reflect on a momentous year which saw the emergence of a new political era while the suffering of more than four years of war on the continent came to an end.

The pall of gloom which descended on Europe in August 1914 shaped the lives of so many for so long, bringing with it untold misery and heartache for thousands of families who lost loved ones on the battlefields as well as imposing severe restrictions on life in general.

When the Armistice was signed on 11 November 1918, the release of tension was palpable across Europe as millions of people emerged onto the streets to celebrate and give thanks. It was no different here in Ireland and, though a country on the periphery of the battlefields, we as a nation also gave up out war dead and watched many of those who survived the slaughter return home maimed both in body and mind.

On the political front the country experienced a seismic shift of emphasis away from the pursuance of home rule to the more radical ideal of republicanism and breaking the link with Britain.

That shift was confirmed with the stunning result of the general election in December 1918 which heralded the emergence of a new and younger political class destined to take the country in a new direction towards independence.

In essence, 1918 was a year of profound political change and it shaped the country for future generations.

BY FAR THE most news worthy event at home and abroad was the ending of the war, which had claimed the lived of millions of people across Europe. Some 206, 000 Irishman of different political and religious persuasions had fought on the battlefields during the course of the conflict and at least 30, 000 and probably many more never came home.

They distinguished themselves in the trenches of the Western Front and in the humid heat of Turkey and the Balkans, as well as on the high seas. Many had been publicly decorated for their bravery while those who were not had carried out their duty in no less a fashion and all in the name of democracy and the right of all nations to exercise self-determination.

Though the war eventually left a legacy of bitterness, with many across the country questioning whether Irishman were right to fight in British uniforms, were there was no doubting the sense of relief as the population embraced those peaceful last few weeks of the year.

While the war was dominated by the actions of man, the role played by woman was increasingly recognised, especially in the industrial production in the factories as well as in the area of nursing and care of the wounded and dying.

It was no coincidence then that women across the world became more vociferous in 1918 as they demanded legal and political equality as well as a greater say in how the society should evolve in the post-war world.

The year saw the introduction of the Representation of the People Act in February, which was an important first step in elevating woman to the same status as man in a modern society.

The Act widened suffrage by enfranchising woman over 30 years of age who met a minimum property qualification of being a registered property occupier (or married to a property occupier) of land or buildings   with a rateable valuation greater than 5 punt and not subject to any legal incapacity.

In November, The Parliament (Qualifications of Women) Act introduced in time for the following month’s general election and that allowed women to stand for and be elected to parliament.

A NUMBER OF women did contest the election in Ireland and Constance Markievicz was returned as Sinn Fein MP though, because of her party’s decision to abstain from parliament, she did not take her seat. Nevertheless, her victory and that of Nancy Astor who did take her seat ended for all time the male domination of politics in Ireland and Britain.

In the General Election of 1918 women made up 43 precent of the electorate, though there was still a limitation on their voting rights because those over 21 and under 30 years of age were still barred from the ballot box.

It was an anomaly which was eventually put right in the Free State Constitution 1922 when all women over the age of 21 were deemed eligible to vote.

So, one hundred years on from the introduction of the legislation, we can now reflect on that very important first step in elevating women to the same status as men in our modern society.

On the political scene the emergence of Sinn Fein as a political force had been Flagged in 1917 with the party’s four by-elections victories which were enhanced by a further five victories in 1918 prior to December general election.

That election was a defining moment in Irish political history as it marked the end of the road for the Irish Parliamentary Party which for over forty years had dedicated itself to the winning of home rule.

In the election many thousands of voters switched their allegiance to Sinn Fein with its policy of independence and breaking the link with Britain.

The result of the election was stunning in the sense that Sinn Fein won 73 of the 105 Irish Seats and the once mighty Irish Party ending up just with 6 seats, a massive drop from the eighty plus seats it previously held.

The remaining seats continued to be held by the unionists, mainly in Ulster.

IT WAS A watershed result which had a profound impact on the political landscape. Nothing would ever be the same again and it set the country on a new political course.

The mandate given to Sinn Fein came from a new generation of voters who demanded that the party take the country away from the ideal of home rule and onto the path towards independence.

The election also marked the emergence of a cohort of young leaders, led by Eamon de Valera (Edward de Valera) many of whom went on to oversee the transition into independence.

Among those returned to what would be the first Dail in January 1919 included, among others, de Valera, as well as Michael Collins, Arthur Griffith, W. T. Cosgrave, Eoin MacNeill and Kevin O’Higgins- all destined to have profound and lasting impacts on Irish Politics.

The election was the last to be held on an All-Island basis and served to highlight the alienation of Ulster Unionists who continued to insist on maintaining their traditional links with Britain.

The rise of Sinn Fein during 1918 can also be attributed to the Party’s stance on the conscription issue as well as the ill-judged government assertion that republicans were once again conspiring with Germany to remove British influence in Ireland.

The conscription crisis arose when Lloyd George’s government attempted to extend to Ireland conscription which was already in existence in Britain, despite the fact that some prominent politicians at Westminster were at that time not convinced by the views of the Government and generals who wholeheartedly approved the initiative.

The Irish Parliamentary Party was not inclined to support the introduction of conscription in Ireland, because having the support such a contentious issue in the face of concerted opposition from the electorate might well have proved to be Politically Difficult.

HOWEVER, opposition to the plan publicly surfaced very quickly when in April, the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Laurence O’Neill, convened a conference at the Mansion House with the intention of beginning an anti-conscription campaign.

What transpired was a coming together of many different stands to the political spectrum as Irish Party men like John Dillon and Joseph Devlin joined forces with Sinn Fein’s Eamon de Valera and Arthur Griffith as well as other politicians like William O’Brien and Timothy Healy to co-ordinate a vigorous and successful campaign of opposition which rocked the political establishment in Westminster.

The campaign was boosted by the support of the Catholic Church and the bishops agreed to an anti-conscription pledge being signed by thousands of people outside the church gates on Sunday 21st April.

The organisers not only brought together thousands of people in mass anti-conscription rallies across the country but also called for a general strike on 23rd of April when men working on the docks joined railway, factory, tram, and mill workers in a nation-wide stoppage.

The government was further embarrassed by its ill-judged ”German Plot” fiasco when it ordered to arrest 150 Sinn Fein members alleged to be conspiring with Germany on another uprising. Of course, it was a false accusation that backfired spectacularly and only served to add momentum to the republican cause.

The plot revolved around landing of Joseph Dowling, a former German prisoner, of war, who had been recruited by Roger Casement For his ill-fated Irish Brigade prior to Easter Rising.

THE BRITISH were somehow convinced that Dowling had landed from a German U-boat and was set to act as some form of intermediary between the German government and Irish Republicans. British intelligence chiefs worked to convince the government that Dowling’s presence was ominous and Lloyd George gave his support to plans for arrest and detention of prominent Sinn Fein leaders, though he knew it will be difficult to prove any concrete connection between them and the Germans.

The raids were carried out on the night of 17th/18th May and the arrests of 150 party members only served to elevate them to hero status and fed into the growing wave of the support for the organisation, symbolised by the election of the incarcerated Arthur Griffith to Westminster in a June by election.

Away from politics and battlefields, other major event to impact on Ireland in 1918 was the calamitous ”Spanish Flu” which had devastated not only this country but the world in general.

Across the Europe the pandemic claimed lives of some 2 million people and in this country the number reported as having died directly from the outbreak was pt at 20. 057.

The first indication of” Spanish Flu” in Ireland came in the early summer of 1918.

Though not nearly as severe as the following outbreaks it was bad enough to close the schools and many businesses.

 

While 1918 saw the emergence of a new political elite, committed to Irish Republicanism, the year also saw the death of John Redmond the man who dominated Irish political Discourse for so many years.

His passing, quite unexpectedly on 6th March, was a precursor to the demise of his beloved Irish Party in the December general election.

Redmond who had always advocated the principle of Home Rule, was a consummate politician, a fine orator and a very able leader of his party. He was a very decent man who always had the interest of his country uppermost in his mind.

News of his death brought many expressions of sympathy from across the political spectrum, as well as one from Queen Victoria and all recognised the immense contribution he made over many decades. After a funeral service at Westminster Cathedral, he was buried among how own people in Wexford town.

WHEN THE LAST days of 1918 came to a close, the people of Ireland had many reasons to take some time to reflect on a momentous year which had brought much in the way of political upheaval as well as heartbreak and suffering as a result of war and illness.

However, life took a turn for the better with the signing of Armistice on 11th November and the dark clouds which had hung for so long over the country began to lift, revealing what many believed at that time to be a bright new dawn.

Little did they realise the following years would bring a new conflict with the Bristish which would go on to shape Ireland’s future. The march towards the independence was about to begin.

Source :  Ireland’s Own Magazine

No: 5687

Published on 21st December 20218